Political Ideology Essay Example for Free

Political Ideology Essay Abstract: Are these heady days for Nigerian political parties? This is the main question, which this paper addresses with emphasis on political ideology, being the first and most important vehicle of a political party. It is argued that despite all pretences to the contrary through their manifestoes, as much as the superficial classifications as the â€Å"left† and â€Å"right†, â€Å"progressive† and â€Å"conservative†, Nigerian parties seem to be bereft of clear ideological commitments. This conclusion is predicated upon the relegation of politics of issues to the background across the various republics, and in its place the ascendancy of identity and money politics. Other factors include the rising magnitude of political vagrancy on the basis of selfish and parochial interests, the high level of party indiscipline, absence/weakness of party cohesion and internal democracy, and the high mortality and turnover of party leadership. Finally, the paper discusses the implications of this for Nigeria’s democratization and democratic consolidation, before concluding with some recommendations. 1. Introduction. Are these heady days for Nigerian political parties? It does not seem so. Although, the decade of the 1990s witnessed the massive spread of what Huntington (1991) referred to as the â€Å"third wave† of democratization to Africa, including Nigeria, leading to an unprecedented resurgence of multiparty politics, there is no controversy about the fact that the mere adoption of party pluralism will not automatically advance the cause of democracy without the institutionalization of certain institutional parameters to promote and sustain due process in theory and practice (See, Bratton and Van de Walle, 1992; 1997; Sorensen, 612 J Shola Omotola, MS. , Redeemer’s University, Move, Ogun State, Nigeria 1993). One of the most complex and critical institutions of democracy is political party. Political parties, as â€Å"makers† of democracy, have been so romanticized that scholars have claimed that neither democracy nor democratic societies are thinkable without them. They not only perform functions that are government related, such as making government accountable and exercising control over government administration; and electorate related functions such as political representation, expression of people’s demand through interest articulation and aggregation as well as structuring of electoral choices; but also linkage related functions, playing an intermediary and mediatory role between the government and the electorate (see, Moore, 2002; Lapalombara and Anderson, 2001; Simon, 1962). Following Omotola (2005a) and Egwu (2005), Saliu and Omotola (2006) have pointed out that political parties can only cope effectively with these responsibilities to the extent of their political institutionalization in terms of structure, internal democracy, cohesion and discipline, as much as their autonomy. The element of party autonomy is very crucial. For, as Alli Mari Tripp has argued, and rightly so, those organizations that have asserted the greatest autonomy have generally been able to â€Å"select their own leaders, push for far-reaching agendas, and involve themselves in politics to a greater extent than organizations that have been tied to the regime/or dominant party, either formally or through informal patronage networks† (Tripp, 2001:101). A note of caution is necessary here to avoid confusion. The relationship between political parties and the state is a complex one. This is because it is the party that forms the government, the latter being the institution of the state. To now talk of a hard-line demarcation between the two may be unrealistic. Yet, the relationship should be well defined such that political parties, especially the one in power, as a critical segment of both the state and society, can enjoy some reasonable degree of â€Å"societal autonomy†, the absence of which poses serious threats to â€Å"political liberalization, democratization and democratic consolidation† (Tripp, 2001:105). In such a situation, multiparty democracy can be adapted for the â€Å"politicization of ethnicity and further 613 J Shola Omotola, MS. , Redeemer’s University, Move, Ogun State, Nigeria elite enrichment encouraging a confrontational and divisive system† (cf Dicklitch, 2002:205). The import of the foregoing discussion, to take a cue from Saliu and Omotola (2006:2), is that the level of political institutionalization of political parties and their institutional strengths are directly correlated to their ability to discharge their ascribed responsibilities, and by extension, the strengths of democracy. When well institutionalized, political parties can serve as a set of mediating institutions through which differences in ideas, interests and perception of political problems at a given time can be managed (Olagunju, 2000; Omotola, 2005a). However, when the reverse is the case, the democracy project and the general system stand the risk of perversion and eventual breakdown. Whatever the case, it is important to note that at the very heart of the success or otherwise of political party is the important question of political ideology. The issue of ideology has been so central to the activities of political parties across time and space that Anson D. Morse (1896:76) has argued that ideology, being the durable convictions held in common by party members in respect to the most desirable form, institutions, spirit and course of action of the state, determines the natural attitude of a party towards every public question (cf. Iyare, 2004:81). In an incisive piece on â€Å"political party convention†, Richard Davies and Vincent J. Strickler (1996:1025) similarly argue that â€Å"ideology functions as planks†, that is, single issue statements within the platform, the exact ideological orientation of which is often used as a bargaining chip in seeking party unity. Here, the platform connotes a statement of the official party position on a variety of issues. Okudiba Nnoli (2003:177-82) also concludes that ideology is a very crucial aspect of politics, not only by serving as a cognitive structure for looking at society generally and providing a prescriptive formula, that is, a guide to individual action and judgement, but also as a powerful instrument of conflict management, selfidentification, popular mobilization and legitimization. It may, therefore, be correct to assert that the first and most important vehicle of a political party, under an ideal situation, should be its ideological stance. 614 J Shola Omotola, MS. , Redeemer’s University, Move, Ogun State, Nigeria In reality, however, this is seldom the case. Perhaps, due to the shallowness of democratic roots especially in the developing countries, other forces of identity particularly ethnicity and religion would appear to have taken the place of ideology. The rising influence of money politics represents another crucial limiting dimension (see, Nugent, 2001a: 2001b; 2001c; 1999; 1995; Gros, 1998; Omotola, 2004). What is the situation with Nigerian parties? Put differently, do Nigerian parties have ideology? How has its ideological condition shaped and influenced the course of party politics in the country? The main thrust of this chapter is to critically engage these questions with a view to suggesting ways of reviving and raising the consciousness of Nigerian parties with regard to the centrality of ideology to party activities and effectiveness. The paper is organized into a number of sections. Firstly, it will analyze the place of ideology in political theory. The second substantive section situates Nigerian parties in historical perspectives, tracing briefly their origin and growth as a precursor to the analysis of the place of ideology in Nigerian parties across different epochs. The last substantive part of the paper, drawing on its immediate preceding section, engages the central question of whether Nigerian parties have ideology or not. It is argued that despite all pretences to the contrary through their manifestoes, as much as the superficial classifications as the â€Å"left† and â€Å"right†, â€Å"progressive† and â€Å"conservative† parties, Nigerian parties seem to be bereft of clear ideological commitments. This conclusion is predicated upon the relegation of politics of issues to the background across the various republics, and in its place the ascendancy of identity and money politics. Other factors include the rising magnitude of political vagrancy on the basis of selfish and parochial interests, the high level of party indiscipline, absence/weakness of party cohesion and internal democracy, and the high mortality and turnover of party leadership. Finally, the paper discusses the implications of this for Nigeria’s democratization and democratic consolidation, before concluding. 615 J Shola Omotola, MS. , Redeemer’s University, Move, Ogun State, Nigeria 2. Ideology and Political Theory. Ideology represents a typically crucial element of political parties and their activities. It is a set of ideas about politics, all of which are related to one another and that modify and support each other. Though relatively enduring, it is yet a dynamic phenomenon, capable of being modified by new issues. It was in this light that Philips W. Shively (1997) defines an ideology as â€Å"a continually developing, organized set of ideas about politics that helps us to make sense of the myriad of political questions that face use†. For Okudiba Nnoli, ideology typifies â€Å"a systematized and interconnected set of ideas about the socio-economic and political organization of society as a whole† (Nnoli, 2003: 178). The concept of ideology, is, historically, deeply rooted in political theory. As a concept, it was coined by the late eighteenth century French philosopher, Destutt de Tracy (1754 – 1836). According to Nnoli (2003:177), Destutt de Tracy used it to describe a new scientific discipline that systematically studies ideas, emotions and sensations – the science of ideas. This conception has since changed and ideology has come to embody the ideas themselves. As a result of the changes, ideology has come to be presented as a subject representing two contradictory realities – the good and the bad, the former depicting ideology as â€Å"a system of thought that animates social or political action†, and the latter as a â€Å"misleading, illusory or one-sided criticism or condemnation† (cf Nnoli, 2003:178-79). This was the kind of debate that dominated political discourse in the midnineteenth century. For instance, in their: The German Ideology, Marx and Engels (1960) took a swipe at Hegel and his-co-travelers, describing them as ideologists of the bourgeois system, not articulate about the material conditions of social and political life. Yet, they went ahead to articulate another conception of ideology based on class analysis as a device for articulating the conflicting interests of different social classes (Nnoli, 2003:178). 616 J Shola Omotola, MS. , Redeemer’s University, Move, Ogun State, Nigeria. From whatever perspective one looks as it, the reality of political life across political systems, developed or developing, is the fact of multiple political options from which inevitably, choice(s) must be made. At such critical crossroads, ideology provides a ready guide for appropriate action. Philips W. Shively posits that ideology is useful to people, both for their own personal ease and satisfaction and for their public political activities. At the individual level, ideology helps to make sense reasonably easily and quickly of the varied political questions that come to one’s attention. In terms of its public utilities, it helps people to make persuasive arguments convincingly to enlist popular support for a given public policy (Shively, 1997:46 – 47). On the whole, therefore, ideology is an indispensable element of politics. It does not only serve as a major instrument of state power, playing major role in the acquisition, use and consolidation of power, but also functions as political lifeline for the animation of politics, forcing individuals and groups alike to make political judgment, especially in the face of competing and conflicting divides, as between capitalism and socialism, during the Cold War. On these notes, Nnoli (2003:181-83) summarizes the functions of ideology as that of providing: A cognitive structure for looking at society generally, be serving as an explanatory and justificatory category for societal realities; A prescriptive formula – a guide to individual action and judgment as a basis for the legitimization of public polities when in conformity with popular belief; An instrument of conflict management and the integration of society by limiting the basic values and issues over which societal members and disagree; A means of self-identification for the satisfaction of specific personality needs, a means of self-evaluation and social solidarity; A dynamic force in both individual and collective commitment action for or against the ruling class or decision. That is, it provides a powerful basis for mobilization; 617 J Shola Omotola, MS. , Redeemer’s University, Move, Ogun State, Nigeria Enhancement of the political appeals of a political party, by differentiating one party from another; and Negatively, may serve not only as a serious impediment to national integration and suppress the underprivileged, but also to disguise authoritarian rule. This is because, it tends to provide individuals with â€Å"imaginary avenues of escape from the harsh realities of social life† (Nnoli, 2003:183). It is important to note that ideologies do have certain defining attributes. Most notable among these include the fact that they are not simply the creation of those who hold them. Rather, they tend to take on a life of their own and guide the political views of their holders in unanticipated ways (see, Price and Sullivan, 1980; Freeden, 1996). In most cases, ideologies originate from seemingly irreconcilable antagonistic settings, tend to be exclusive, absolute and universal in character; and can be personalized and turned into a sacred belief similar to religious beliefs. While it is not entirely permanent, it is, however, resistant to fundamental changes (see, Sibley, 1970; Nnoli, 2003; Enemuo, 1999). Some illustrations suffice. Across time and space, various forms of ideologies have emerged at different times, Marxism and not in the least, African socialism. For space constraints, we can not examine each of these here. It is however important to note that most of these ideologies do fit correctly to the aforementioned attributes. For instance, almost all such ideologies such as conservatism and socialism emerged in situation of acute social strain, in response to liberalism and capitalism respectively. While liberalism emphasizes individualism (freedom, liberty), conservatism harps on collectivism characteristic of welfarist states. Despite their long history, attacks and counterattacks against each other, both liberalism and conservation still remain prominent ideologies in western democracies particularly the United States of American and Great Britain (see, Rudolph, Jr. , 1996; Kay, 1976). Today, the emphasis in political theory is predominantly on democratic ideology. David Howarth 618 J Shola Omotola, MS. , Redeemer’s University, Move, Ogun State, Nigeria defines a democratic ideology as one involving the classification and analysis of different types of democratic ideologies, as they are articulated and function in concrete societies. It includes various democratic forms and institutions as capitalist/liberal democracy and radical democracy. It also reflects on the differences within a given type such as direct and indirect variants of liberal democracy (Howarth, 2001: 191-94). Essentially, democratic ideology centers on the way in which the language and rhetoric of democracy function as a tool of ideological justification and legitimization by political elites and ruling classes. It also focuses on cultural and ethnical conditions for the proper functioning of liberal democratic states and societies, requiring in the least, a belief in or at least an acceptance of democracy (see, Putnam, 1993; 1995; 1996). Above all, democratic ideology typifies the use of democracy by social groups and political forces to constitute their identities and advance their interests. Here, according to Howarth (2001:193), â€Å"democracy is itself a key ideological element in political mobilization and struggle, and is used to create political frontiers between differently located social groups and agencies. Democratic ideology therefore captures the whole essence of our theoretical postulations on the centrality of ideology to the exploits of political parties. What needs to be added is that an umbrella party (Catch-All Party) that seeks to appeal to diverse interests, usually by adopting a general or vague platform, may not necessarily stick to only one ideology and vice versa. This is the case in the United States where in the two dominant parties – Democrats and Republican – there are Liberals, Moderates and Conservatives. The reverse is the case in Great Britain where the Labour and Conservative parties are each highly centralized and less catch-all in nature than American parties (see, Rudolph, Jr. , 1996: 1021). Yet, in either case, the parties are known for their well-defined and distinct ideologies. 619 J Shola Omotola, MS. , Redeemer’s University, Move, Ogun State, Nigeria 3. Origin and Growth of Nigerian Parties Philips, W. Shively (1997:200) observed that although political party had turned to be useful for a variety of tasks that require control or communication, it was first invented for more limited and self serving purposes. This observation aptly captures the Nigerian reality. At its inception in 1923, precisely 24 June, 1923, following the introduction of the elective principle by the Clifford constitution, Nigerian parties had very limited and self-serving objectives. The main objective was perhaps, that of buying legitimacy for the colonial government through very limited franchise restricted to Lagos and Calabar. Richard Sklar, in his seminal work – Nigerian Political Parties – demonstrates articulately how the emergence of political associations such as the People’s Union, was only in response to the prevailing realities of colonial administration (Sklar, 1963; Coleman, 1958). Little wonder, when the first political party in Nigeria, the Nigerian National Democratic Party (NNDP) emerged in 1923, under the leadership of Herbert Macaulay, its activities were restricted to contesting elections into the Lagos city council. For years, the UNDP was hegemonic in its dominance in electoral politics in the country. This was to be challenged by the Lagos Youth Movement latter Nigerian Youth Movement (NYM)- formed in 1934 and defeated the NNDP for the three seats allocated to Lagos that year. By 1944, the increasing tempo of nationalist agitation had resulted in the formation of another political party – the National Council of Nigeria and Cameroon (CNCN), under the leadership of Herbert Macaulay and later Nnamdi Azikwe (see, Sklar, 1968: 46-50). This was followed, in quick succession, by the transformation of the Egbe Omo Oduduwa, a Yoruba sociocultural organization, into a political party, the Action Group (AG) in 1950 under the leadership of Chief Obafemi Awolowo and the Northern People Congress (NPC) in 1959 with dominance in the northern region. By 1951, a breakaway faction of the NPC consisting mainly of radical youths based in Kano formed the Northern Element Progressive Union (NEPU). These parties dominated the political landscape of the country particularly in their respective regions in the 620 J Shola Omotola, MS. , Redeemer’s University, Move, Ogun State, Nigeria march towards independence and in the First Republic (see, Dudley, 1973; Sklar, 1963). Although the Second Republic (1979 – 1983) witnessed the emergence of more political parties, there was no much difference with what obtained under the First Republic. Rather, what happened was the reincarnation of parties of the First Republic under different nomenclatures with some additional parties. The parties included the National Party of Nigeria (NPN), the Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN) and the Nigerian Peoples Party (NPP) replacing the NPC, AG and NCNC, respectively. Others were the Peoples Redemption Party (PRP) and Great Nigerian Peoples Party (GNPP), and later Nigerian Advance Party (NAP), which was registered in 1982, after failing the first round in 1978 (Osaghae, 1998). These parties constituted major actors in the Second Republic. Under the aborted Third Republic, there was a fundamental change in the mode of party formation in Nigeria. This pertains to the official formation of parties by the state after a series of experiments with different political associations (see, Oyediran and Agbaje, 1991). The parties were the Social Democratic Party (SDP) and National Republican Convention (NRC), the former being a little to the left and the latter a little to the right (see, Olagunju, et al, 1993:216; Omoruyi, 2002). This development, executed after the dissolution of the thirteen associations that applied for registration has been as part of the grand design to execute a â€Å"hidden agenda† to perpetuate the military regime in power (Osaghae, 1998:220). The eventual annulment of the 12 June 1993 presidential election by the military regime of general Babangida lends some credence to this claim. The country once again returned to multi-party democracy in 1999 following the transition inaugurated and successfully completed by General Abdulsalm Abubakar. Initially, three political parties – Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), the All Peoples Party (APP), later All Nigerian People Party (ANPP), and the Alliance for Democracy (AD) were registered by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC). By December 2002, the number of registered parties rose to thirty (30), while additional three 621 J Shola Omotola, MS. , Redeemer’s University, Move, Ogun State, Nigeria political parties were registered in January/February 2006 (see, Simbine, 2005; Onu and Momoh, 2005). This presupposes the opening up of the political space for democratic opportunities and development. But in reality, the opportunities associated with such openings are yet to be positively exploited for the political development of the country. This may not be unconnected with the poverty of ideology that characterizes Nigerian parties, as will be demonstrated in the next section. 4. Nigerian Parties and Ideological Dispositions Let us begin with parties of the First Republic, that is, the NPC, NCNC and AG. Ideologically, the NPC was an essentially conservative and elitist party, while the AG and NCNC appeared to be progressive and welfarist, predicated upon socialist ideology. Even at that, it may be difficult to delineate the very ideological orientation of these parties. They, however, share a common feature of ethno-regional ideology, seeking to capture and consolidate power in their respective spheres of influence/region. They were also driven by a commitment to the nationalist struggle, though in varying degrees, against colonialism. The ambiguity as regards their ideological disposition can further be gleaned from the pattern of alignment between/among the parties. For example, the resolve of the NPC and NCNC, two ideologically incompatible parties, the former to the right and the latter to the left, to enter into the alliance that formed the government during the First republic attests to this. Scholars have pointed out that the alliance was a â€Å"marriage of inconvenience†, and would have been better between the AG and NCNC. Because the alliance was not informed by a commitment to a belief system and principles espoused by party ideology, it crumbled, sooner than expected, like a park of cards (see, Dudley, 1993; Post and Vickers, 1973; Olaniyi, 1997:87). In terms of ideological orientations, parties of the Second Republic would appear, safe for the GNPP, to be the reincarnations of the parties of the moribund First Republic. 622 J Shola Omotola, MS. , Redeemer’s University, Move, Ogun State, Nigeria For this and related reasons, there were no fundamental differences in party politics and activities, as the country was â€Å"once again mired in a vituperative and vicious politics† (Yaqub, 2002; 125). This was graphically captured by the unprecedented pace of intra and inter-party factionalization and conflicts. Political vagrancy permeates the political landscape, leaving in its wake major realignments and coalitions among the parties (see, Osaghae, 1998:139 – 44). Notably, the formation of the so-called forum of the â€Å"progressive† governors consisting of PRP, GNPP, NPP and UPN was unable to survive long, as the ruling NPN used its federal might and patronage to attract decampees from other parties. Eventually, it succeeded in wooing the NPP of the East, in a manner reminiscent of the First Republic into an alliance, which like the earlier one, collapsed sooner than expected. The eventual breakdown of the alliance marked the beginning of internal crisis for the NPP, following the refusal of some of its top leaders particularly Mathew Mbu and Professor Ishaya Audu to resign their appointments in government (Osaghae, 1998:140). Logically, it may be argued that if the parties had been guided by a clear commitment to a particular belief system and principles, much of the crisis and contradictions that characterized party politics under the Second Republic could have been averted. But, since the parties were motivated largely by ethnic competition for power through their respective ethnic champions, nothing more could have been expected. As Osaghae has argued, while the instrumentalist†, to the attainment of this feat (1998:144). The degeneration of party politics through political vagrancy, elite factionalization and weak institutionalization led to the military coup of December 31, 1983 that brought the Second Republic into an abrupt end. Yet, the NPP and GNPP appeared to be liberal in ideology with a strong belief in mixed economy; the NPN conservative with emphasis on free market system and respect for traditional institutions. The PRP, a leftist and most radical party had a populist, antineocolonial agenda and advocates social revolution and income redistribution; and the UPN; the most disciplined, socialist/welfarist in orientation was based on the 623 J Shola Omotola, MS., Redeemer’s University, Move, Ogun State, Nigeria philosophy of free education and heath care delivery (see, Ujo, 2000:91-102; Osaghae, 1998:118-122). The aborted Third Republic witnessed a new experiment in party formation, when for the first time in the history of party politics in Nigeria; the government created and imposed two political parties on the system. Ordinarily, the existence of two political parties should represent two different ideological camps, as has been the case between the Labour and Conservative parties in Britain and Democrats and Republican parties in the USA. This was not the case with respect to the SDP and NRC in Nigeria. Although, while one was a little to the left and other a little to the right, nothing much differentiates the parties, at least not in ideological dispositions (see, Jinadu, 1995; Lewis, 1994; Oyediran and Agbaje, 1991; Adejumobi, 1997). Yaqub (2002:128) had written about party politics under the Third Republic that: The way incompatibility had been manifested in the two parties †¦ was not fundamentally due to serious ideological divisions (in any case, the manifestoes of the parties, despite phrase – mongering of â€Å"a little to the left†, and â€Å"a little to the right†, did not articulate much programme differences), but to assert, that even if we are to borrow Babangida’s words, the â€Å"old lines of cleavages and primordial loyalties† once again simply asserted themselves. If parties of previous republics were found wanting on ideological stance and commitment, those of the Fourth Republic are obviously worse. Omoruyi (2002:8) has noted that the manner of origin of the parties does not fit into what we know from literature, their composition fluid and unstable, and can be viewed as mere instruments of transition from military to civil rule. And for the future and with the prospect for more parties, â€Å"they raise more questions than answers to the lingering political problems for Nigeria†. According to him, the PDP, for example, draws its founders from â€Å"all and sundry political persuasions: conservatives, radicals and progressives† (Ghali – Na’bba, 624 J Shola Omotola, MS., Redeemer’s University, Move, Ogun State, Nigeria 2001: cf Omoruyi, 2002:8), most of whom supported the annulment of the June 12, 1993 presidential election and flirted with the military during the annulment and in the post-annulment period; including some serving as ministers or members of the ING or as member of the Abacha undemocratic constitutional conference or as leaders of some of the five political parties set up and managed by General Abacha’s aides that finally endorsed him as the sole presidential candidate in April 1998 (Omoruyi, 2002:8-9). The APP did not differ in any respect as its founders also served as ministers or as aides in different parts of the country under Abacha. The AD that looks different was, however, affected by its inability to meet the federal character clause in the constitution and up till today remains essentially a Yoruba party. It was perhaps the foregoing faulty origin and precarious foundations of these parties that have been largely responsible for their seeming ideological barrenness. Although, the PDP and APP (ANPP) were status quo parties, given their capitalist and conservative dispositions; and the AD progressive and radical in appearance, none of them seems to have clear policy positions as a basis of popular mobilization and legitimacy of their actions. Judging by their activities, it has been observed that â€Å"there’s almost nothing to chose, between PDP and other parties in terms of ideological learning† (Iyare, 2004:92). Simbine (2002:2005:23) has also observed that the manifestoes of the first three political parties were â€Å"essentially the same in content†, as they were not crafted differently, and the strategies for achieving objectives did not differentiate parties from each other. In a seeming self-indictment passage, Jerry Gana, a former Minister of Information and PDP stalwart observes: In terms of cohesion and firm ideological learning, there is a problem but PDP will be transformed, PDP will be strong, PDP will be strengthened ideological, PDP will be more organized, PDP will be in power for 30 years (quoted in Iyare, 2004:94). 625 J Shola Omotola, MS. , Redeemer’s University, Move, Ogun State, Nigeria Given the obvious poverty of ideology that characterizes the first three political parties of the Fourth Republic, PDP, APP and AD, it should not be surprising that almost all the other parties that sprang up or broke away from them did no do so because of ideological disagreements. Neither was it that they have articulated alternative views of governance for sustainable democracy and development as a viable basis of popular mobilization to wrestle power from the incumbent party. Rather, they were products of adversarial elite behaviour taken to the points of irreconcilability. Little wonder, these parties also have no ideological stance on major national questions other than the transformation and manipulation of forces of identity particularly ethnicity and religion (see, Simbine, 2005). The implication is that the â€Å"so-called political parties are not in competition with one another. They are in factions; these factions are more in competition within themselves than with another party† (Omoruyi, 2002:17). An informed observer and consistent scholar of Nigerian politics captures the scenario thus: Unfortunately, the succeeding generations of party leaders, despite having their forbearers’ legacies to draw from and better educational background into the bargain, have not demonstrated this perspicacity.

The Disadvantages of Using Facebook Among Students Essay Example for Free

The Disadvantages of Using Facebook Among Students Essay A very good morning to Miss Shirly and my fellow friends. Today, I, Shaatmi Batumalai, will be delivering a speech titled ‘The disadvantages of using the Facebook among students’. As we all know, today’s world is full of modern technologies, especially in the field of communication. No one can deny the efficiency of these tools, such as Twitter, Skype, Friendster, and so many more. Unfortunately, if wrongly used, these brilliant inventions can also bring disadvantages for its young users. Hence, let me bring your attention again towards the title of my speech, ‘The disadvantages of using the Facebook among students’. First and foremost I would like to enlighten on the issue of Facebook’s bad influences on students results. Students who are addicted to Facebook tend to lose their concentration on their studies. This is mainly caused by the students’ uncontrolled time spent being on-line. They become too wrapped up with their activities, and fail to complete their school tasks, and finally fail to cope up with their studies. Next, students are unaware of the company they keep through their accounts. They are fascinated by the activity of chatting with strangers who might appear attractive or interesting. They don’t even realize that, sometimes this may even cause serious problems such as arguments or even gang fights which can damage a student’s peaceful life. Last but not least, students may also face health problems with excessive Facebook usage. This makes them to not to have enough sleep. So when they go to school the next morning, they just sleep on their desks and make their teachers to be angry with them. Besides, students may also experience short-sightedness with too much of Facebook. Based on my opinion, the Facebook is like an addictive drug for its users. It is quite challenging to stay away from the exciting life but as matured students we must try to concentrate on our studies. As a conclusion, it is up to the individual to choose the right ways of using these technologies for their own benefits. With this, I end my speech. Thank you for listening.

Organization Culture In Multinational Companies Management Essay

Organization Culture In Multinational Companies Management Essay Multinational companies are facing more challenges when they try to develop a cohesive organizational culture than domestic companies. In this study, several cases experienced from real life examples will be presented. They will be discussed with theoretical framework which allows reader to understand each situation through comparative analysis. The theory of Cultural Management, Cross Cultural Communication Negotiation, Leadership, Motivating people is selected for cross referencing in accordance to the topic of the study. The study focus on two main parts; Part 1: Describe the challenges faced by MNCs on developing a global management, moving forward to identify the key challenges; Part 2: Focus on managing people across borders and cultures implementing Cultural Management concepts and theories (Hofstedes Cultural Dimensions 1980), leadership Motivating theories. The intention of this part is to give a critically discussion on real business situations while being aware of the application of these selected theories. The findings of useful methods for global leaders developing organizational culture will be explained in the conclusion. I will give my personal reflections on how the application of these theories will benefit leaders working in the similar situations in the international business. Part 1 Challenges on developing a global management Organizations are always facing challenges when they are doing business globally. These challenges include the assessment of the environment, managing social responsibility and ethics, communication negotiation across cultures, etc. In the following paragraphs, I will give journal articles related to a real life example that has faced several critical challenges when developing a global management. On 5th March 2012, China Labour bulletin reported a string of press release that there are a total of 27 logged reports of strike and protest from workers across China with the majority group of workers from the industrial/manufacturing and transport sector. The strikes and protests are mainly concerned on low wages, reduction of annual bonus, unreasonable employee layoff, management takeovers and relocations. A related such case is workers at Putzmeister Machinery in Shanghai stages a strike over the unsatisfactory compensation package being offered after the company takeover by SANY Group. Putzmeister Machinery being one of the largest German Manufacturer of concrete pumps has been acquired by Sany Group (one of the largest manufacturer of heavy machinery in China). Workers who are benefitting from the existing European management system and packages cannot accept the sudden implementation changes adapted from the Chinese company. It is believed that SANY has amended the package not in favour to the workers. After acquisition took place, employees who are not from SANY Group are affected by several changed factors both internal and external of the SANYs company policy. The culture which forms the organizational environment requires managers improve their cross-border learning capabilities. Managers from parent-country nationals or host-country nationals cannot ignore local employees needs. Successful leader manager advocate to earn peoples loyalty and trust by learning their different cultures, they also try to help employees to understand what their future and opportunities may have in place. Besides, exercising effective Change Management is necessary for leaders to understand the culture changes. This is because culture does not simply mean understanding who talks with whom, about what, and how the communication proceeds, it means how people encode messages, the meanings they have for messages, and the conditions and circumstances under which various messages may or may not be sent, noticed or interpreted. (Samovar and Porter, 1997) In this regards, the needs to understand the cultural variables are also necessary for Managers of SANY Group to enquire the skill to avoid miscommunication. According to the study from Cameron and Green (2004), the role of a leader in acquisitions is providing situations to the individuals in organization as follows  [1]  : 1. Ensure that the team knows that a change will happen and things will not be the same way they used to. 2. Ensure that the people understand the things that will change, what will stay the same and when will all this happen. 3. Encourage people try to do things in a new way and provide the right environment. Part 2 Managing and motivating people across cultures People from the same culture usually share a common general understanding of right and wrong, acceptable behavior and inappropriate behavior. In multinational companies, staffs are from a variety of national cultures, they have variety cultural backgrounds, this requires managers who are operating in global interdependent market operating in a series of hugely diverse landscapes (Tom Keen, Jim: Leadership Landscapes, palgrave, 2007). Serious misunderstandings may happen when managers cannot understand staffs real needs, values and self-actualization. Managing and motivating people across culture are not only a challenge to large companies but also something applicable to small-scale companies while multinational people are collected together. A reference of a real life example of China Wealth Middle East Machinery which is doing heavy machinery leasing business located in Dubai. China Wealth Machinery Co Ltd is a subsidiary of SANY Group which was founded in 1999. The main core of business is leasing heavy equipment to civil and building contractors. Based in Hong Kong, China Wealth set up a subsidiary branch in Dubai on 2008, which is China Wealth Middle East Machinery (L.L.C) . In China Wealth Middle East Machinery, there are workers from four different countries, China, Bangladesh, Pakistan and Afghanistan. These workers are employed in various operating position like operators, maintenance engineers, foreman and P.R.O. The company has faced challenge in managing, motivating people from different culture. In a general perspective, there is a similar culture with very few differences among the employees from Bangladesh, Pakistan and Afghanistan. However, the difference can be substantial when they are compared with the Chinese culture. Hofstedes study gives comparison between Chinese and Bangladeshi cultures, the results are illustrated as follows, Key PDI: Power Distance IDV: Individualism vs. Collectivism MAS: Masculinity vs. Femininity UAI: Uncertainty Avoidance LTO: Long term orientation LOT LTO: Long term/Short term orientation Figure Comparing China and Bangladesh The chart in Figure 1 shows the comparison of PDI, IDV, MAS, UAI between Chinese and Bangladeshi culture. There is significant similarity between the two cultures in PDI, IDV and MAS where PDI and IDV are exactly the same. In contrast, the great differences between the two cultures come at UAI and LTO. There is distinctive evidence in the relationship among Chinese and Bangladeshi. They have both displayed high power distance in their workplace. Chinese have given more respect for the elderly; it is believed their behavior assembled from the Chinese Confucianism when taught in the younger days during their upbringing. Whereas, even the junior will to embrace with outstanding achievement, they are not able to gain the same respect as the elders. In China Wealth company, all the Bangladeshi operators are younger than the Chinese operators, therefore, they will only take the role as helpers at the beginning even the Bangladeshi has accumulated enough or already have experience. In addition, the Chinese will always command a longer term orientation and a better salary package which is almost double when they are both put on the same position. It can be seen as unfair but is widely accepted in the company. Furthermore, Bangladeshi workers show their high uncertainty avoidance which can be explained that they do not mind the status and acceptance of lower responsibility in exchange for a secured salary. They are easily contented people who do not desire a long term orientation. They can generally accept Salary which is sufficient to cover the basis expenses and support the family back home. On the contrary, Chinese workers need high salary and seek for long term orientation which allow them to spend freely and opportunity for promotion in future. They are risk taker and are ready for any unforeseen event that may or may not occur, they can also take challenges at work. Thus, managers who work as multicultural role on motivation and management blend in different ways. They must consider the entire national and cultural context on a situation-by-situation basis, settle reward system not only rely on money but also search for their interest and satisfaction, means of keeping occupied, status and prestige. It is difficult to judge which type of workers behavior in China Wealth company is right or wrong. Managers should make different job motivation between Bangladeshi workers and Chinese workers according to their different cultures. Part 3 Conclusions In globalization competitive environment, leaders can be expatriates. They need to have multiple competencies to deal with challenges like cross border transaction. I think it is important for them to create new culture initiatives by allowing employees to extent their thinking and actions. Creativity can be one of the useful methods when dealing with multiple challenges. Creativity means doing things from a different way, leaders must learn different culture from people outside the system. Leaders should consider the cultural differences when creating a new culture for the merger or acquisition.( Kuada, 2008), they can enable reward systems, planning and performance management, motivating systems working together to support the objective and preferred behaviour. The leaders job comprises cultural adaptability, leadership experience and technical knowledge, level of authority and autonomy etc. No single leadership style works well in all situations.( Helen Deresky, 2012) Global leaders should broaden their horizons strategically and cross-culturally. Besides, leaders should also try to develop a flexible model what can adapt to local situations then apply around the world.

Globalization and Islamic Fundamentalism Essay -- Muslim Culture Islam

The Al-Qaeda offshoot ISIS, has made its way through Iraq and Syria. This new terror campaign appears to have been rolled out with a decades old objective, which is wrought with violence, propaganda and destabilization. But what are the reasons behind these acts of terror and violence? How is it possible to stop terrorism? What is the future of the endless conflict between Islamic extremism and modernity? The last one is particularly burning, since it touches an issue, entwined in ever-lasting controversy, aggression and needless carnage - the issue of Islamic fundamentalism and its extreme manifestation - terrorism. In my paper I argue that in its essence Islamic fundamentalism is a negation of the values, upheld by globalization, democracy, true Islam and modernity. There are several interconnected focal factors that render Islamic extremism incompatible with modern trends of development. The first and basic factor, always in the context of the history of Islam, is the theoretical foundation of fundamentalism. Also, another important issue is the rise of Islamic nationalism, which helps fundamentalism transform religious and cultural differences into an overt and brutal struggle against non-Muslim countries and their globalizing world. Of particular significance, however, is the poor economic development of Muslim states. Moreover, I believe it is the actual reason behind the violent outbreak of extremism. All these issues combine to form the idea of Islamic ideal versus reality, or the ever-increasing gap between modernity and the nature of fundamentalism. In addition, I argue that poor economic and social conditions in Muslim countries are caused by improper government policies and deep social c... ...://www.worldbank.org/wbi/mdf/mdf1/edecmen.htm> Global Poverty Monitoring. The Middle East and North Africa: An Overview. United Nations Development Programme. Human Development Report 2001 United States Senate. Extremist Movements and Their Threat to the United States. Washington: U.S. Government printing Office, 2000 The Islamic World to 1600: The Rise of the Great Islamic Empires The New York Times; October 31, 2001

The Life of Frederick Douglass Essay -- Slaves Slavery American Histor

The Life of Frederick Douglass Frederick Douglass brilliantly intelligent and defiant once led a minor insurrection against his masters and escapes his venture alive. Douglass’s career as a militant, uncompromising leader of the American Negro. A fugitive slave who was taught to read by his slave mistress, and who as an ex-slave, became the most famous and articulate rebuke to the monstrous institution of slavery ever to speak or to write in America. In autumn of 1828, Frederick Douglass began his new life as a freeman in the old whaling city of New Bedford, Massachusetts. Ambition, sensitivity, and a high degree of self-consciousness created in the young slave Douglass an unquenchable thirst for freedom and he became what every slave master feared, a smart and uppity Negro who would be content with nothing less than his freedom. A first attempt at escape ended in failure and with time in jail. The second attempt, however, was successful. He fled to New York City, where he married a free Negro woman with whom he moved to New Bedford. He was to date his freedom form September 3, 1838. Douglas relentless exposure of the moral ambiguity of a Christian civilization which was built upon the gross inhumanity of chattel slavery. The White Christian South saw no such moral ambiguity. In fact, they read the Bible as a justification of their way of life, and resented bitterly the charge of northerners that they were un-Christian and immoral because of their support of slavery. They delighted in pointing out that nowhere in scripture is slavery condemned, and they even suggested that slavery was a form of evangelism without which the poor ignorant heirs of Africa would never have heard of the gospel and thus would be unable to know the joys of heaven. Christianity stands against everything which is represented in a culture that makes peace with oppression on this subject there can be neither apology nor compromise. With new found wealth purchased his freedom, a controversial more objected to by certain of the abolitionist who regarded the purchase of liberty as recognition of the legitimacy of bondage. The term of the slave code: a piece of property, a beast of burden, chattel personal. Slavery was a poor school for the human intellect and heart. By the slave code, they are adjudged to be as incompetent to testify against a white man, as... ...ility to manage slaves, to whip, alarm their fears a strike terror. Look word motion mistake accident want of powers all matters for which a slave may be whipped at anytime. Minds had been starved by their cruel masters. Been shut up in mental darkness. To make a contented slave, it is necessary to make a thoughtless one. It is necessary to darken his moral and mental vision and as far as possible, to annihilate the power of reason. He must be able to detect no inconsistencies in slavery; he must be made to feel that slavery is right; and he can be brought to that only when deceases to be a man. The motto which I adopted when I started from slavery was this trusts no man. I saw in every white man an enemy and in almost every colored man cause for distrust. Douglass changed his surname to conceal his identity after escaping slavery in 1838. Life in the city was a turning point in Douglass life. It was there he learned how to read. Douglass later wrote that literacy was his pathway from slavery to freedom. Douglass made an unsuccessful attempt to escape slavery. In 1838 Douglass posing as a freedman sailor successfully escaped to Philadelphia and then to New York.

My Summer Vacation :: Summer Vacation Essays

One of my favorite family traditions is summer vacation. Every summer without fail we go on vacation. For the past ten years we have been going to Disney World with our family friends the Battaglia's, so it has turned into a tradition up until last summer when we broke our florida adventure to go to Myrtle Beach, South Carolina.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  We have been going on vacation with the Battaglia's for so long for a very good reason. It is because everyone gets along. My mom, Mr. Battaglia and Mrs. Battaglia are very good friends. Ronnie Battaglia, who is 19, is my best friend and we get along great. My sister Katie, 16, and Beth Battaglia, 18, also get along very well. This works out great because we are all old enough to go out and do our own thing without getting the parents too much involved. Since most of the fun things to do are located right near the hotels we stay at we rarely need to ask them for a ride anywhere, so everyone gets there way and it turns into a great vacation for all of us.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  We have been going to Disney World together for as long as I can remember. We know the place inside and out. Where all the best rides are, which park is the best, it even got so bad that we knew what time the lines for each ride was shortest. Disney World always comes out with some kind of new ride or show each year so that is what mostly kept us continuing to come back year after year. On day though while we were planning our next trip we decided it was time for a change of pace.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  We thought that Myrtle Beach, South Carolina would be a nice place to visit. My mom had already ventured down there with a friend and new that everyone would enjoy it. So we went down there last summer and it was a big transition for all of us. it was more of an adult vacation which was good because we were getting a little too old for Disney World.

A Wanderlust Blueprint for Taipei and Taiwan

Taipei is the capital city of Taiwan, and is known perhaps most prominently for its famous landmark skyscraper, Taipei 101. There's a multi-level shopping mall adjoined to the tower, containing hundreds of fashionable stores, restaurants, and clubs. Being the bookworm that I am, I visit Page One first, a huge bookstore with both Chinese and English books. After that, I decide to treat myself to a shopping spree – after all, I am on vacation. When I'm through, I decide to visit the observatory on the 89th floor. I'd read somewhere that the observatory elevators here are the fastest in the world, capable of traveling from the fifth floor to the 89th floor in just 37 seconds. I squeeze into a crowded elevator and set my stopwatch. Exactly 37 seconds later, the doors open with a ping. Wow. Maybe I can get one of these for my apartment. Then I hear the tour guide informing a group of Japanese tourists that each elevator costs US$2.4 million. On second thought, I think I'll scratch that idea. Simply put, the view is amazing. There's no other way to say it. I take advantage of the fact that the observatory offers a full, undivided, 360 degree view, and take several panorama pictures. I dally at the gift shop for a couple of minutes, inwardly debating whether or not I should spend NT$1500 on an I'VE BEEN TO TAIPEI 101 t-shirt. In the end, I purchase it anyway, after managing to convince myself that NT$1500 is not that expensive for a souvenir shirt. I proceed to visit the National Chiang Kai-shek Memorial Hall. It's an incredible monument that was erected in the memory of Chiang Kai-shek, former President of the Republic of China. The whole thing is surrounded by a park and a large square, in which both the National Concert Hall and the National Theater are located. I set off for the National Concert Hall, but to my dismay, am told by the lady at the ticket office there that there are no performances scheduled today. Disappointed, I decide instead to walk the expanse of the park. There are large lakes with loads of fish in them, and I buy several handfuls of fish food from a nearby vending machine. It's fun to throw the food in and watch all the fish swarm together like bees towards pollen. Afterwards, I decide to head to Shihlin Night Market. I take the MRT (Mass Rapid Transit) from Chiang Kai-shek Memorial Hall Station, past Taipei Main Station, to Jiantan Station. The journey takes me about 20 minutes. I swear I'm in love with the transport system here. It's fast, it's cheap, and it's so clear. There are English announcements and notices all over the place. I've only been here for a couple of days, but the system is so easy to understand, I feel like an old-timer already. It's crowded at Shihlin Night Market, and I find myself travelling down what I would describe as the main alley. Shops of every kind line the two sides, and there are smaller alleys that branch off. The sheer amount and variety of products being sold are quite dazzling, as they range from clothes, novelties, and cosmetics, to toys, electronics, and food. I guess I shouldn't be surprised by the wide audience that Shihlin receives, but I am, sort of. I've seen families with young children, big groups of laughing teenagers, middle-aged couples holding hands, and older people shuffling around. I've also spotted some foreigners, who, like me, probably just want to experience what the infamous Shihlin Night Market has to offer. I have to say, I'm quite impressed. I didn't expect this place to present any sort of entertainment for small children, but I must've passed at least 20 games of miniature hoops, ring toss, small pinball machines, and catch the turtles/ fishes by now. I sit down at a small table in a food stall, and tentatively order a plate of chou dou fu – stinky tofu; apparently it's a Taiwanese specialty. Two minutes later, a plate of steaming hot tofu is set in front of me. To my surprise, it's actually pretty good. Maybe tomorrow, I'll work up the nerve to try tian je – frogs' legs.